Saturday, August 31, 2019

About The Penan Tribe Architecture Essay

The reappraisal that I would wish to do among the 5 folks that acted by the Bruce Parry is the Penan folk. First of all, I would wish to present briefly about the character of Bruce Parry. Bruce Parry is an militant that venture into the most distant country of Sarawak province in Malayan Borneo. He believes that the lone ways to cognize more about the civilization anthropology and cognition for a folk is to hold a participant observation in his fieldwork. Participant observations mean that life within a given civilization for an drawn-out period of clip, and take portion in its cultural day-to-day life in all its profusion and diverseness. The Penan is a mobile native that roved on the land of Sarawak Borneo and some other parts on Brunei Bandar Seri Begawan. Nowadays, the figure of Penan had officially stated approximate to 10,000 people and around 350-500 of them are mobile that scattered over Ulu Baram, Limbang, Tutoh and Lawas of Sarawak.( Figures retrieved from: hypertext transfer protocol: //www.survival-international.org )The present Penans are consisted with settled, semi-nomadic and entire mobile communities that to the full depend on the wood merchandises. In Penan society, the indigens are extremely developed in an classless society and small gender division. It means that the societal stratification among the adult male and adult females are about equal. For case, the adult male and adult females shared most of the jobs among them. Such as, garnering the forest merchandise and extracted sago from the sago thenar, but they are still some portion of jobs that dominated by male, for illustration, runing in the wood. Penan is a group of native that practiced the rite of â€Å" Molong † which means that â€Å" ne'er take more than necessary. † The bulk of the Penan indigens are work as mobile hunter-gatherers. The mobile Penan normally moves in group that consisted about 40 people included kids and old people. They do non stayed for a long clip in a peculiar topographic point. The period of clip that they stay is depend on the resources at the topographic point that they stayed and when the resources became fewer, they will take other suited topographic points and moved once more. The mobile Penan indigen that lived in the wood was really much depending on their traditional diet-Sago that amylum from the Sago thenar. Once, the Sago thenars are matured and to the full grown, the sago thenar trees will be cut down. The leader of the roll uping sago thenar will do certain an sum of sago starched is adequate for each household and kept adequately for their supply. After that no more sago thenar will be chop down until they are ran out of nutrient. Besides that, the Penan indigen besides preys on wild animate beings like wild Sus scrofas, mouse cervid and monkeys. The huntsmans Hunt by utilizing a blowtube, made with the Belian wood and carved out with a bone drill. The toxicant darts that they used are made from the sago thenar ‘s tree bark and on its tip ; the Penan dipped it with sort of powerful toxicant latex that extracted from a tree from the wood. However, the Penan indigens besides cultivate the planting of Paddy and domestic animate being genteelnes s for their ain nutrients non for gross revenues. Furthermore, I would wish to discourse briefly about the Penan civilization alteration, the mobile Penan move in groups and they have their ain kin districts, the groups are consisted of a household of five or six members and some household even consisted of 30 people. The mobile Penan will go forth their oldselap( huts ) and travel to another sphere of wood when their sago supplies are exhausted. The Penan indigens ‘ ownerships are few and everything is carried in simple with a strong back packs made from Calamus rotang. Selap are made from thick poles tied together with rattan strips. Every household has one hut for life and a smaller 1 for kiping. The bulk of the roofs are tarpaulins and there are rarely roof made by elephantine thenar leaves. The floors are four pess off the land and above a fireplace of clay are two wooden racks for hive awaying cookery equipment and drying fire wood. In the facet of stuff civilizations, merely Penan seniors frock in anything coming traditional frock, with â€Å" chawats † ( loin fabrics ) , bands on their legs and carpuss and big holes in their ear lobes. Presents, the Penan indigens are doing the tattoos by themselves which is about like prison tattoos. Merely few Penan now go in barefoot, most of them are have oning cheap, plastic football boots with rounded he-man to protect their pess. In add-on, I would wish to discourse about the arms that are used for runing. For illustration the Penan ‘s blowtubes, which calledkeleput, are about 6 pess long and made from one solid piece of Fe wood in approximately 2 hebdomads. The hole is made utilizing a long metal saloon with a screwdriver-like tip, which is merely driven into the wood and turned, over and over, so construct a gigue for it. Then, attached to the terminal of the blowtube is a metal spear caput, attached with Calamus rotang and rubber-like rosin. This is used for killing big hurt animate beings and offers protection from wild animals. The much shorter blowtubes are sometimes made for runing at close scope in dense wood. Another arm used for hunting is poison darts. The procedure of doing the Penan toxicant darts is cutting off the bark of the tajem tree to pull out milklike latex that is warmed over a fire to bring forth the toxicant. Tajem interferes with the operation of the bosom, doing deadly arrhythm ias. Blowpipe darts are made from palm fronds with a lightweight stopper to do an airtight seal. Darts with metal tips ( cut from Sn tins ) are used for large game like cervid and bearded hog, whilst those for little game are merely sharpened before being dipped into toxicant. The last arm used by Penan huntsmans is knives. The Penan huntsmans are transporting two knives. The first knife is called apoeh, is big and machete-like and used often. The 2nd knife is called darhad which is much smaller knife and is used for cutting meat, paring blowtube darts and all right work. Both knives are carried close together in separate sheathes, sometimes wooden, now frequently plastic. Besides that, in the facet of faith believe for Penan indigen, the Penan have been change overing their animism belief to Christianity since in the 1930s. Harmonizing to the functionalist Emile Durkheim,â€Å" faith is a incorporate system of beliefs and patterns relative to sacred things, that is to state, things set apart and out beliefs and pattern which unite into one individual moral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them. †( Robert Van Krieken, Daphne Habibis, Philip Smith, Brett Hutchins, Michael Haralambos, Martin Holborn, 2006, page 390 ) However, some of the Penan indigen still holding a strong believe in myths and liquors. The Penan leaders still pattern the rite of blood treaties with neighbouring folk when making the political understanding. The rite of blood treaties was believed that anyone who breach of this treaty will do to purging of blood and a violent decease. Furthermore, in the facet of economic for Penan native, most of the Penan are work as a huntsman gatherer in wood and selling the chief resource of the wood which is sago. The economic system can be defined as a system of production, distribution, and ingestion of resources, including the cultural belief that supports economic procedures. During the colonial times, the British authorities will set up trading missions calledtamunear to the woods of the Penan to offered forest merchandises likedammar( now used in eco-paints ) , rattan mats and baskets, rhino horn,gaharuwood ( or eagle-wood ) , wild gum elastic, monkey bilestones ( for Chinese medical specialty ) , measures of hornbills, and cervid antlers. These points were traded for fabricating goods like knives, cooking pots and scatterguns. None of these forest merchandises are now abundant, but many Penans will sell surplus meat to logging cantonments. The Penan indigen besides sold the high quality gaharu from gaharu tree but tha t can take old ages to roll up. Gaharu is used as incense, for medicative and spiritual intents, and as a aroma in the Middle East states. For the division of labour for Penan, the adult male will ever travel for hunting and the adult female will by and large garner the sago from the sago thenar tree and make the house chores. The form of economic subsistence for Penan indigen is scrounging. They are scrounging in groups for wild workss and runing for wild animate beings like wild Sus scrofas and mouse cervid.

Women’s roles in the US

The varieties about women's roles were constructed In ways that have been altered or erased for social and political purposes. The roles of black women were undermined during slavery and Hawaiian women's roles were taken away after colonialism. Women's roles should be recognized because it makes a significant contribution to decentralization and resistance. The erasure of women's roles have been constructed In favor of white supremacists and colonists, thus, keeping knowledge about women's roles away from the public view.This week's readings reflect the counter-forces that fight against this trend. The two examples discussed In this paper will help demonstrate how the recognition of women's roles make significant contributions to decentralization and resistance. Black women's role during slavery was undermined In the Monomania Report. Angela Davis critiques the history of slavery aspect of the Monomania report because it fails to recognize the significance of black women's role in sl avery claiming that matriarchy comes from the legacy of slavery.Davis challenges this Idea by arguing that matriarchy did not come from slavery since matriarchy Implies power, which enslaved black women did not have. Davis indicates that although black women did not have power of the law/state, they created their own modes of power. She also indicates the reason why black women played a significant role during slavery is because they made resistance possible for others in the African American enslaved communities. Since women had the double burden of working in the fields and doing domestic work, they became the maintainers of the slave headquarters.This allowed women to recognize how much the master depended on them, giving women the consciousness of resistance. This is an example of how knowledge Is distorted In he Monomania report since It falls to address the truth about women's roles In slavery and falsely concludes that black families are unstable because they are matrilineal. Recognizing black women's roles during slavery is imperative to eradicate the myth that black families are unstable because they are matrilineal and how they made resistance possible for others.Another example of the recognition of women's roles is the inclusion of indigenous feminism. Lisa Keelhauled Hall indicates the importance of recognizing the erasure of indigently, specifically Hawaiian women in the united States as a result of colonialism. She critiques the conceptual erasure of U. S. Imperialism In the Pacific. The erasure of Hawaii in contemporary understandings of the united States, and the racial erasure of indigenous peoples.She argues indigenous feminism should counter these erasures â€Å"because colonization relies on forced forgetting and erasure, the need to bring the past forward Into our consciousness† Is Important for decentralization (Hall, 279). Although Hawaiian women's roles were unrecognized, Hall contends that Hawaiian women held significant power until the colonists stripped political power and voting rights from them. Additionally, Hawaiian women were aced with the imposition of Christianity, monogamy, and heterosexual marriage.Indigenous feminism Is Important to the process of decentralization for Hawaiian women and other indigenous women because it â€Å"grapples with the ways patriarchal 1 OFF analyzing the sexual and gendered nature of the process of colonization† (Hall, 278). Although women's roles were constructed in ways that were altered or erased, which favored white supremacists and colonists, Hall and Davis produced scholarly works that enabled people to recognize that women's roles made a significant contribution to the process of decentralization and resistance.

Friday, August 30, 2019

Mexican Cival Rights Essay

George I. Sanchez, Ideology, and Whiteness in the Making of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, 1930-1960 By CARLOS K . BLANTON Let us keep in mind that the Mexican-American can easily become the front-line of defense of the civil liberties of ethnic minorities. The racial, cultural, and historical involvements in his case embrace those of all of the other minority groups. Yet, God bless the law, he is â€Å"white†! So, the Mexican-American can be the wedge for the broadening of civil liberties for others (who are not so fortunate as to be â€Å"white† and â€Å"Christian†!). George L Sanchez (1958) By embracing whiteness, Mexican Americans have reinforced the color line that has denied people of African descent full participation in American democracy. In pursuing White rights, Mexican Americans combined Latin American racialism with Anglo racism, and in the process separated themselves and their political agenda from the Black civil rights struggles of the forties and fifties. Neil Foley (1998)’ 1 HE HISTORY OF RACE AND CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE AMERICAN SoUTH IS complex and exciting. The history of Mexican American civil rights is also promising, particularly so in regard to understanding the role of whiteness. Both selections above, the first from a Mexican American ‘ The epigraphs are drawn from George I. Sanchez to Roger N. Baldwin, August 27, 1958, Folder 8, Box 31, George I. Sanchez Papers (Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas Libraries, Austin); and Neil Foley, â€Å"Becoming Hispanic: Mexican Americans and the Faustian Pact with Whiteness,† in Foley, ed.. Reflexiones 1997: New Directions In Mexican American Studies (Austin, 1998), 65. The author would like to thank the Journal of Southem History’s six anonymous reviewers and Texas A&M University’s Glasscock Center for Humanities Research for their very helpful intellectual guidance on this essay. MR. BLANTON is an assistant professor of history at Texas A&M University. THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY Volume LXXII, No. 3, August 2006 570 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY intellectual of the mid-twentieth century and the last a recently published statement from a historian of race and identity, are nominally about whiteness. But the historical actor and the historian discuss whiteness differently. The quotation from the 1950s advocates exploiting legal whiteness to obtain civil rights for both Mexican Americans and other minority groups. The one from the 1990s views such a strategy as inherently racist. The historical figure writes of Mexican Americans and African Americans cooperating in the pursuit of shared civil rights goals; the historian writes of the absence, the impossibility of cooperation due to Mexican American whiteness. This contrast is worth further consideration. This essay examines the Mexican American civil rights movement by focusing on the work and ideas of George I. Sanchez—a prominent activist and professor of education at the University of Texas—in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s. Sanchez is the most significant intellectual of what is commonly referred to as the â€Å"Mexican American Generation† of activists during this period. As a national president of the major Mexican American civil rights organization of the era, however, Sanchez’s political influence within the Mexican American community was just as important as his intellectual leadership. Sanchez pondered notions of whiteness and actively employed them, offering an excellent case study of the making of Mexican American civil rights. ^ First, this work examines how Sanchez’s civil rights efforts were vitally informed by an ideological perspective that supported gradual, integrationist, liberal reform, a stance that grew out of his activist research on African Americans in the South, Mexican Americans in the Southwest, and Latin Americans in Mexico and Venezuela. This New Deal ideological inheritance shaped Sanchez’s contention that Mexican Americans were one minority group among many needing governmental assistance. Second, this liberal ideology gave rise to a nettlesome citizenship dilemma. During the Great Depression and World War II, Mexican Americans’ strategic emphasis on American citizenship rhetorically placed them shoulder-to-shoulder with other U. S. minority groups. It also marginalized immigrant Mexicans. The significance of ^ For more on Sanehez see Gladys R. Leff, â€Å"George I. Sanchez: Don Quixote of the Southwest† (Ph. D. dissertation. North Texas State University, 1976); James Nelson Mowry, â€Å"A Study of the Educational Thought and Aetion of George I. Sanehez† (Ph. D. dissertation. University of Texas, 1977); Amerieo Paredes, ed.. Humanidad: Essays in Honor of George 1. Sanchez (Los Angeles, 1977); Steven Sehlossman, â€Å"Self-Evident Remedy? George I. Sanchez, Segregation, and Enduring Dilemmas in Bilingual Education,† Teachers College Record, 84 (Summer 1983), 871-907; and Mario T. Garcia, Mexican Americans: Leadership, Ideology, and Identity, J930-1960 (New Haven, 1989), chap. 10. WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 571 citizenship was controversial within the Mexican American community and coincided with the emergence of an aggressive phase of Mexican Americans’ civil rights litigation that implemented a legal strategy based on their whiteness. Third, Sanchez’s correspondence with Thurgood Marshall of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in the 1940s and 1950s reveals early, fragmentary connections between the Mexican American and African American civil rights movements. All these topics address important interpretive debates about the role of whiteness. This essay fuses two historiographical streams: traditional studies on Mexican American politics and identity and the new whiteness scholarship’s interpretation of Mexican American civil rights. In traditional works the Mexican American civil rights experience is often examined with little sustained comparison to other civil rights experiences. Conversely, the whiteness scholarship represents a serious attempt at comparative civil rights history. Taking both approaches into account answers the recent call of one scholar for historians to â€Å"muster even greater historical imagination† in conceiving of new histories of civil rights from different perspectives. ^ Traditional research on Mexican Americans in the twentieth century centers on generational lines. From the late nineteenth century to the Great Depression, a large wave of Mexican immigrants, spurred by dislocation in Mexico as well as by economic opportunity in the U. S. , provided low-wage agricultural and industrial labor throughout the Southwest. Their political identity was as Mexicans living abroad, the â€Å"Mexicanist Generation. † They generally paid little heed to American politics and eschewed cultural assimilation, as had earlier Mexicans who forcibly became American citizens as a result of the expansionist wars of the 1830s and 1840s. However, mass violence shortly before World War I, intensifying racial discrimination throughout the early twentieth century, and forced repatriations to Mexico during the Great Depression heralded the rise of a new political ethos. The community had come to believe that its members were endangered by the presumption of foreignness and disloyalty. â€Å"^ By the late 1920s younger ‘ Charles W. Eagles, â€Å"Toward New Histories of the Civil Rights Era,† Journal of Southern History, 66 (November 2000), 848. † See Emilio Zamora, The World of the Mexican Worker in Texas (College Station, Tex., * 1993); George J. Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture, and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York, 1993); Benjamin Heber Johnson, Revolution in Texas: How a Forgotten Rebellion and Its Bloody Suppression Turned Mexicans into Americans (New Haven, 2003); and Amoldo De Leon, The Tejano Community, 1836-1900 (1982; new ed. , Dallas, 1997). 572 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY leaders—the â€Å"Mexican American Generation†Ã¢â‚¬â€urged adoption of a new strategy of emphasizing American citizenship at all times. They strove to speak English in public and in private settings, stressed education, asked for the gradual reform of discriminatory practices, emulated middle-class life, and exuded patriotism as a loyal, progressive ethnic group. They also desired recognition as ethnic whites, not as racial others. The oldest organization expressing this identity was the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC). This ethos of hyphenated Americanism and gradual reform held sway until the late 1960s and early 1970s. ^ Studies of whiteness contribute to historians’ understanding of the interplay of race, ethnicity, and class by going beyond a black-white binary to seek the subtleties and nuances of race. This new scholarship examines who is considered white and why, traces how the definition of white shifts, unearths how whiteness conditions acts of inclusion and exclusion and how it reinforces and subverts concepts of race, and investigates the psychological and material rewards to be gained by groups that successfully claim whiteness. Class tension, nativism, and racism are connected to a larger whiteness discourse. In other words, this is a new, imaginative way to more broadly interrogate the category of race. Works on whiteness often share a conviction that thoughts or acts capitalizing on whiteness reflect racist power as well as contribute to that insidious power’s making. They also generally maintain that notions of race, whether consciously employed or not, divide ethnic and racial minorities from each other and from workingclass whites, groups that would otherwise share class status and political goals. ^ In recent reviews of the state of whiteness history, Eric Amesen, ‘ See Mario Garcia, Mexican Americans; George J. Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American; David G. Gutierrez, Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity (Berkeley, 1995); Ignacio M. Garcia, Viva Kennedy: Mexican Americans in Search of Camelot (College Station, Tex. , 2000); Carl Allsup, The American G. I. Forum: Origins and Evolution (Austin, 1982); Richard A. Garcia, Rise of the Mexican American Middle Class: San Antonio, 1929—1941 (College Station, Tex. , 1991); David Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986 (Austin, 1987), chaps. 12 and 13; Julie Leininger Pyeior, LBJ and Mexican Americans: The Paradox of Power (Austin, 1997); Juan Gomez-Quinones, Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise, 1940-1990 (Albuquerque, 1990); and Guadalupe San Miguel Jr. , Brown, Not White: School Integration and the Chicano Movement in Houston (College Station, Tex. , 2001). ^ David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (1991; rev. ed.. New York, 1999); Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness: Essays on Race, Politics, and Working Class History (New York, 1994); Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge, Mass. , 1998); George Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit From Identity Politics (Philadelphia, 1998). WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS. 573 Barbara J. Fields, Peter Kolchin, and Daniel Wickberg offer much criticism. These historians argue that scholars using whiteness as an analytical tool are shoddy in their definitions, read too finely and semantically into documents and literary texts, and privilege discursive moments that have little or nothing to do with actual people or experiences. More specifically, Kolchin and Amesen argue that many studies of whiteness incautiously caricature race as an unchanging, omnipresent, and overly deterministic category. In such works whiteness is portrayed as acting concretely and abstractly with or without historical actors and events. Ironically, studies of whiteness can obscure the exercise of power. Fields explains that studying â€Å"race† and â€Å"racial identity† is more attractive than studying â€Å"racism† because â€Å"racism exposes the hoUowness of agency and identity . . . [and] it violates the two-sides-to-every-story expectation of symmetry that Americans are peculiarly attached to. â€Å"^ Research that applies the idea of whiteness to Mexican American history is sparse and even more recent. Several of these studies focus upon the use of whiteness as a legal strategy while others take a broader approach. ^ Historian Neil Foley offers the most significant and ambitious arguments by moving beyond an analysis of how white people viewed Mexican Americans to look instead at the construction of whiteness in the Mexican American mind. He shifts the perspective from external whiteness to internal whiteness and argues that Mexican Americans entered into a â€Å"Faustian Pact† by embracing racism toward African Americans in the course of trying to avoid de jure discrimination. Foley claims that Mexican Americans consciously curried the favor of racist whites: â€Å"In pursuing White rights, Mexican Americans ‘ Peter Kolchin, â€Å"Whiteness Studies: The New History of Race in America,† Journal of American History, 89 (June 2002), 154-73; Eric Arnesen, â€Å"Whiteness and the Historians’ Imagination,† International Labor and Working-Class History, 60 (Fall 2001), 3-32; Barbara J. Fields, â€Å"Whiteness, Racism, and Identity,† International Labor and Working-Class History, 60 (Fall 2001), 48-56 (quotations on p.48); Daniel Wickberg, â€Å"Heterosexual White Male; Some Recent Inversions in American Cultural History,† Journal of American History, 92 (June 2005), 136-57. *Ian F. Haney Lopez, White By Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York, 1996); Neil Foley, The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture (Berkeley, 1997); Steven Harmon Wilson, The Rise of Judicial Management in the U. S. District Court, Southern District of Texas, 1955-2000 (Athens, Ga., 2002); Wilson, â€Å"Brown over ‘Other White’; Mexican Americans’ Legal Arguments and Litigation Strategy in School Desegregation Lawsuits,† Law and History Review, 21 (Spring 2003), 145-94; Clare Sheridan, â€Å"‘Another White Race’: Mexican Americans and the Paradox of Whiteness in Jury Selection,† Law and History Review, 21 (Spring 2003), 109^14; Ariela J. Gross, â€Å"Texas Mexicans and the Polities of Whiteness,† Law and History Review, 21 (Spring 2003), 195-205; Carlos Kevin Blanton, The Strange Career of Bilingual Education in Texas, 1836-1981 (College Station, Tex., 2004); Patrick J. Carroll, Felix Longoria’s Wake: Bereavement, Racism, and the Rise of Mexican American Activism (Austin, 2003). 574 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY combined Latin American racialism with Anglo racism, and in the process separated themselves and their political agenda from the Black civil rights struggles of the forties and fifties. â€Å"^ Missing from such interpretations of whiteness’s meaning to Mexican Americans is George I. Sanchez’s making of Mexican American civil rights. Analyzing Sanchez’s views is an excellent test of Foley’s interpretation because Sanchez’s use of the category of whiteness was sophisticated, deliberate, reflective, and connected to issues and events. An internationalist, multiculturalist, and integrationist ideology shaped by New Deal experiences in the American Southwest, the American South, and Latin America informed George L Sanchez’s civil rights activism and scholarship. Sanchez regarded Mexican Americans as one of many American minority groups suffering racial, ethnic, and religious bigotry. Though Sanchez regarded Mexican Americans’ racial status as white, he also held that they were a minority group that experienced systematic and racialized oppression. Sanchez’s articulation of whiteness was qualified by an anti-racist ideological worldview and supports Eric Amesen’s criticism of â€Å"overreaching† by whiteness scholars who â€Å"appreciate neither ambiguity nor counter-discourses of race, the recognition of which would cast doubt on their bold claims. â€Å"‘ ° Sanchez was very much a New Deal â€Å"service intellectual† who utilized academic research in an attempt to progressively transform society. The term service intellectual is an appropriate description of Sanchez, who propagated his civil rights activism through academic research with governmental agencies (the Texas State Department of Education, the New Mexico State Department of Education, the U. S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, and the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs) and national philanthropic organizations (the General Education Board, the Julius Rosenwald Eund, the Carnegie Foundation, and the Marshall Civil Liberties Trust). The pinnacle of Sanchez’s scholarly contribution as a service intellectual was his evocative 1940 portrayal of rural New Mexican poverty and segregation in The Forgotten People: A Study of New Mexicans. ‘ ‘ ‘ Foley, â€Å"Becoming Hispanic,† 53-70 (quotation on p. 65); Foley, â€Å"Partly Colored or Other White: Mexican Americans and Their Problem with the Color Line,† in Stephanie Cole and Alison M. Parker, eds. , Beyond Black and White: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender in the U. S. South and Southwest (College Station, Tex. , 2004), 123-44. For an older whiteness study that discusses the external imposition of racial concepts on Mexican Americans and other groups, see Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness, chap. 10. ‘†Amesen, â€Å"Whiteness and the Historians’ Imagination,† 24. † Richard S. Kirkendall, Social Scientists and Farm Politics in the Age of Roosevelt WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 575 Sanchez particularly sought to transform society through the field of education. In the early 1930s he published blistering critiques of the shoddiness of IQ tests conducted on Mexican American children. Mexican Americans bad just challenged separate schools in Texas and California and were told by the courts that because they were technically â€Å"white,† racial segregation was illegal; however, the courts then claimed that pedagogical segregation based upon intellectual or linguistic â€Å"deficiency† was permissible. In challenging racist IQ science, Sanchez essentially advocated integration. ‘^ A decade of service intellectual work came together for Sanchez in Forgotten People. He called for a comprehensive federal and state program to uplift downtrodden Hispanic New Mexicans: â€Å"Remedial measures will not solve the problem piecemeal. Poverty, illiteracy, and ill-health are merely symptoms. If education is to get at the root of the problem schools must go beyond subject-matter instruction. . . . The curriculum of the educational agencies becomes, then, the magna carta of social and economic rehabilitation; the teacher, the advance agent of a new social order. â€Å"‘^ Sanchez regarded Mexican Americans as similar to Japanese Americans, Jewish Americans, and African Americans. To Sanchez these were all minority groups that endured varying levels of discrimination by white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant America. Sanchez was uninterested in divining a hierarchy of racial victimization; instead, he spent considerable energy on pondering ways for these groups to get the federal government, in New Deal fashion, to help alleviate their plight. Even in the mid-1960s when many Mexican Americans had come to favor a separate racial identity over an ethnic one, Sanchez still conceived of Mexican Americans as a cultural group, ignoring concepts of race altogether unless discussing racial discrimination. â€Å"^ Sanchez engaged the struggles of other minority groups and linked them to Mexican American activism. In 1948, for example, Sanchez (Columbia, Mo. , 1966), 1-6; George I. Sanchez, Forgotten People: A Study of New Mexicans (1940; reprint, Albuquerque, 1996), xvi-xvii. Befitting the service intellectual ideal of freely diffusing knowledge, the Carnegie Foundation gave the book away. Carnegie provided four thousand dollars for Sanchez’s research at the same time it supported work on a much larger study on African Americans—Gunnar Myrdal’s classic An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (New York, 1944). ‘^ Carlos Kevin Blanton, â€Å"From Intellectual Deficiency to Cultural Deficiency: Mexican Americans, Testing, and Public School Policy in the American Southwest, 1920-1940,† Pacific Historical Review, 72 (February 2003), 56-61 (quotations on p. 60). ‘ ‘ Sanchez, Forgotten People, 86. ‘† George I. Sanchez, â€Å"History, Culture, and Education,† in Julian Samora, ed.. La Raza: Forgotten Americans (Notre Dame, 1966), 1-26; Mario Garcia, Mexican Americans, 267-68. 576 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY published through the United States Indian Service a government study on Navajo problems called The People: A Study of the Navajos. ^^ In 1937-1938 Sanchez transferred his New Deal, reformist ideology across borders as a Latin American education expert with a prestigious administrative post in Venezuela’s national government. Writing to Edwin R. Embree, director of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, Sanchez described his work as the chief coordinator of the country’s teachertraining program in familiar New Deal terms: â€Å"the hardest task is breaking down social prejudices, traditional apathy, obstructive habits (political and personal) and in-bred aimlessness. † His first program report was appropriately titled â€Å"Release from Tyranny. â€Å"‘^ During World War II Sanchez was appointed to the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs under Nelson A. Rockefeller, where he continued work on Latin American teacher-training programs as part of the war effort. Sanchez was deeply committed to progressive reform in Latin America that would lift educational and living standards. ‘^ Sanchez also took on African American issues. From 1935 to 1937 he worked as a staff member with the Chicago-based Julius Rosenwald Eund. This philanthropic organization was concerned with African American rural education in the South, and in this capacity Sanchez collaborated with Eisk University’s future president, the eminent sociologist Charles S. Johnson, on preparing the massive Compendium on Southem Rural Life. Sanchez was listed in the study’s budget as the highest-paid researcher for the 1936-1937 academic year with a $4,500 salary and a $2,000 travel budget. Sanchez’s work with the Rosenwald Eund also involved numerous activities beyond his role as the group’s pedagogical expert. In November and December 1936 he lobbied the Louisiana State Department of Education on behalf of a † â€Å"Dr. Sanchez Seeks Fulfillment of U. S. Promise to Navajos,† Austin Daily Texan, November 16, 1946, in George I. Sanchez Vertical File (Center for American History, Austin, Texas; hereinafter this collection will be cited as Sanchez Vertical File and this repository as Center for American History); George I. Sanchez, The People: A Study of the Navajos ([Washington, D. C], 1948). â€Å"^ G. I. Sanchez to Edwin R. Embree, October 17, 1937, Folder 4, Box 127, Julius Rosenwald Fund Archives (Special Collections, John Hope and Aurelia Franklin Library, Fisk University, Nashville, Tennessee; hereinafter this collection will be cited as Rosenwald Fund Archives and this repository as Franklin Library) (quotation); Embree to Sanchez, October 29, 1937, ibid. Sanchez’s work for the â€Å"Instituto Pedagogico† occurred just after its creation in 1936 during a brief liberal phase of Venezuelan politics. For more on its creation, see Judith Ewell, Venezuela: A Century of Change (Stanford, 1984), 75. â€Å"Dave Cheavens, â€Å"Soft-Spoken UT Professor Loaned to Coordinator of Latin-American Affairs,† Austin Statesman, December 3, 1943, in Sanchez Vertical File; â€Å"Texan Will Direct Training of Teachers,† Dallas Morning News, November 3, 1943, ibid. ; George I. Sanchez, â€Å"Mexican Education As It Looks Today,† Nation’s Schools, 32 (September 1943), 23, ibid. ; George I. Sanchez, Mexico: A Revolution by Education (New York, 1936). WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 511 Rosenwald teacher-training program and the broader issue of school equalization. Equalization had been the primary avenue of African American activism that culminated with the Gaines v. Canada decision of 1938, which mandated that the University of Missouri either admit a black law student or create a separate, equal law school for African Americans. Sanchez also lobbied in Washington, D. C. , in February 1937, consulting with the Progressive Education Association and various government agencies on Rosenwald projects. ‘^ As one of his duties on the compendium project, Sanchez studied rote learning for rural African American children who lived in homes lacking in formal education. This study was inspired by Charles Johnson’s mentor at the University of Chicago, Robert E. Park. Johnson, Sanchez, and other young researchers such as famed historian Horace Mann Bond were to look at ways to educate populations â€Å"handicapped by the lack of books and a tradition of formal education in the home. † This venture was affiliated with the Tennessee Valley Authority and chiefly concerned with â€Å"raising the cultural level† of poor, rural African Americans more effectively than standard textbooks and pedagogies developed for privileged students in other parts of the country. The project aimed to equip teachers to â€Å"integrate the knowledge which the school seeks to inculcate with the experiences of its pupils and with the tradition of the local community. † Sanchez’s comparable work with bilingual education in New Mexico and Latin America fit well within the scope of the new undertaking. ‘^ Sanchez’s biggest project with the Rosenwald Fund was creating a well-recognized teacher-training program at the Louisiana Negro Normal and Industrial Institute at Grambling. Charles S. Johnson later described this Grambling teacher-training program as â€Å"among the most progressive of the community-centered programs for the education of teachers in the country. † He praised the Grambling endeavor for offering African American teachers â€Å"opportunities for the development of creativeness and inventiveness in recognizing and solving ‘* Charles S. Johnson to Edwin R. Embree, October 16, 1936, Folder 1, Box 333, Rosenwald Fund Archives; Embree to Johnson, October 23, 1936, and enclosed budget manuscripts â€Å"Supplementary Budget on Rural Education Compendium† and â€Å"Rural School Exploration, Tentative Budget 1936-37,† ibid. ; undated project time sheet [October 7, 1936 to April 27, 1937], Folder 3, Box 127, ibid. ; Numan V. Bartley, The New South, 1945-1980 (Baton Rouge, 1995), 15; Compendium on Southern Rural Life with Reference to the Problems of the Common School (9 vols. ; [Chicago? ], 1936). † Charles S. Johnson to Edwin R. Embree, January 21, February 25, 1937, Folder 5, Box 335, Rosenwald Fund Archives; Johnson to Dorothy Elvidge, June 23, 1937, and study proposal by Robert E. Park, â€Å"Memorandum on Rote Learning Studies,† March 3, 1937, pp. 2 (first and second quotations), 3 (third quotation), ibid. Sanchez left shortly after the project began. 578 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY the problems to be found in rural communities, homes, and schools . . . .†^ ° Sanchez oversaw this project from its inception in September 1936 until he left for Venezuela in the middle of 1937. He set up the curriculum, the budgets, the specialized staff (nurses, agricultural instructors, home economists, and rural school supervisors), and equipment (the laboratory school and a bus for inspections). These duties involved close coordination with Grambling administrators, Louisiana health officials, and state education and agriculture bureaucrats. Difficulties arose due to Sanchez’s departure. One Rosenwald employee summarized the program’s problems, â€Å"As long as George [Sanchez] was here he was the individual who translated that philosophy to the people at Grambling, and I am sure that you agree with me that he could do it far more effectively than the rest of us. But now that Sanchez [sic] is not here it is the job of the president of the institution to do both this interpretation and this stimulation. . . . I do not believe [President] Jones knows them. â€Å"‘^’ Fisk’s Charles S. Johnson was elite company for Sanchez. Johnson’s devastating attacks on southem sharecropping influenced public policy and garnered praise from President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He and others spurred the creation of Roosevelt’s â€Å"Black Cabinet. â€Å"^^ Sanchez practiced a similar combination of academic research and social activism. When he began his work at Grambling he had recently lost his position in the New Mexico State Department of Education due to his pointed advocacy of reform as well as his penchant for hard-hitting, publicly funded academic research on controversial topics such as the segregation of Mexican Americans in schools. He had long sparked controversy with his research on racial issues. What especially limited ^ ° Charles S. Johnson, â€Å"Section 8—The Negro Public Schools,† in Louisiana Educational Survey (7 vols, in 8; Baton Rouge, 1942), IV, 216 (first quotation), 185 (second quotation). A copy of this volume is in Folder 5, Box 182, Charles Spurgeon Johnson Papers (Franklin Library). ^’ A. C. Lewis to G. I. Sanchez, October 14, 1936, Folder 13, Box 207, Rosenwald Fund Archives; Sanchez to Dr. R. W. Todd, September 28, 1936, ibid. Sanchez to Miss Clyde Mobley, September 28, 1936, ibid. ; Sanchez to J. W. Bateman, September 28, 1936, ibid. Sanchez to Lewis, September 28, 1936, ibid. ; Edwin R. Embree to Lewis, September 29, 1936, ibid. ; Sanchez to Lewis, September 30, 1936, ibid. ; Dorothy A. Elvidge to Lewis, November 27, 1936, ibid. ; Lewis to Sanchez, July 9, 1937, Folder 14, Box 207, ibid.; i. C. Dixon to Lewis, March 17, 1938, Folder 15, Box 207, ibid, (quotation on p. 2); Sanchez, â€Å"The Rural Normal School’s TeacherEducation Program Involves . . . ,† September 17, 1936, Folder 16, Box 207, ibid. ; Sanchez, â€Å"Suggested Budget—Grambling,† April 9, 1937, ibid. ; Sanchez, â€Å"Recommendations,† December 9, 1936, ibid. ^^ John Egerton, Speak Now Against the Day: The Generation Before the Civil Rights Movement in the South (New York, 1994), 91-92; George Brown Tindall, The Emergence of the New South, ? 913-1945 (Baton Rouge, 1967), 543, 544 (quotation); Matthew William Dunne, â€Å"Next Steps: Charles S. Johnson and Southem Liberalism,† Journal of Negro History, 83 (Winter 1998), 10-11. WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 579 Sanchez’s future in New Mexico was a 1933 furor over his distribution of another scholar’s Thurstone scale (a psychometric technique developed in the 1920s) on racial attitudes to pupils in New Mexico’s public schools. Governor Arthur Seligman publicly demanded that Sanchez be ousted and that the General Education Board (GEB) cancel the grant funding his position in the state bureaucracy. Partly due to the influence of New Mexico’s U. S. senator Bronson Cutting, a progressive Republican champion of Mexican Americans, Sanchez survived an ugly public hearing that resulted in the resignation of the University of New Mexico faculty member who devised the scale. Nevertheless, the incident severely constrained Sanchez’s future in the New Mexican educational and political arena. ^^ But Sanchez was not pushed into African American education simply out of desperation for employment. He appreciated the opportunities that the Rosenwald Fund provided to broaden his activism as a service intellectual beyond the Southwest. He was direct about this to his most ardent supporter. President James F. Zimmerman of the University of New Mexico: â€Å"I’m sorry the [Rosenwald] Fund is virtually prohibited from extending its interests and experiments into the Southwest. This is the only disappointment I feel in connection with my present work. I feel it keenly, however, as you know how deeply I am bound up with that area and its peoples. At the same time, though, being here has given me a wider viewpoint and experience that may well be directed at my ‘first love’ sometime. † Zimmerman was disappointed; he had groomed Sanchez for a faculty and administrative future at the University of New Mexico. Despite the uproar in 1933 Sanchez’s talents were in high demand, however, as GEB agent Leo Favrot and Rosenwald director Edwin Embree coordinated which agency would carry Sanchez’s salary with the New Mexico State Department of Education in early 1935 (GEB) and during a yearlong research project on Mexican higher education from 1935 to the middle of 1936 (Rosenwald Fund) until he joined the staff of the Rosenwald Fund on a full-time basis for his work at Grambling. ^’* ^^ G. I. Sanchez to Leo M. Favrot, April 27 and May 11, 1933, Folder 900, Box 100, G.

Thursday, August 29, 2019

LAND LAW Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

LAND LAW - Essay Example It states above that the property was only registered in one name and therefore it would only require one signature for the sale or mortgage of the property1. This effectively means that Harry is entitled to mortgage the house without consulting with Ella. Subsection 2 lists the other interests or charges over the land that can be classed as legal interests and includes such things as easements2, rights of way, rentcharges3, legal mortgages4 and other similar charges. Under the Land Registration Act 1925 s5 the courts recognise the registered land as belonging to any person to whom the land has been registered as having an absolute title to that land5. This would effectively mean that Ella would not have a legal interest in the property. It is possible that she could argue that the money she paid towards the purchase of the house entitles her to a share of the property6. If Ella can show that she made a direct contribution to the purchase price the court would be free to concur that by her actions a resulting trust has been duly created7. The equitable presumption of resulting trusts is that a person who contributes to the purchase price of the land must have done so with the intention of acquiring an interest in that land in proportion to the amount that they have paid towards the purchase price8. If the courts can find that such an intention is to be inferred by Ella’s actions then they will give effect to the presumption thereby whilst recognising Harry as the legal owner of the property requiring him to hold the property on trust for Ella9. A resulting, implied or constructive trust†¦is created by a transaction between the trustee and the cestui que trust in connection with the acquisition by the trustee of a legal estate in land, whenever the trustee has so conducted himself that it would be inequitable to allow him to deny the cestui que trust a beneficial

Wednesday, August 28, 2019

Family Reunion Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Family Reunion - Essay Example Stepping out of the car, I could see many faces, which were familiar, even though I was unable to remember the names so as to match the faces. People were mingling and probably conversing about their daily lives and their kids. Some seemed to be gossiping already. At last, the family reunion was here with us, and whether I looked forward to being here for the next one week or not, I had to get the best out of it. Inside the house, I could notice that all the doors and windows were crystal clear. A smell of fresh bed sheets and chlorine filled the air. Someone had done a commendable job in cleaning. Most of the adults talked between themselves while the children played. By this time, I had not realized that my ancestors were beneficial since I had not paid keen attention when the adults spoke. I had always wondered how my forefathers ended up in this small town in Wisconsin anyway. I decided to engage my grandfather on this topic, and I must admit that I was shocked by what I discover ed. He showed me an old picture of a man who I came to understand was the Czar of Finland, who according to my grandfather is my distant relative. My great grandfather came from Kuvlax, Finland. He was born in 1840. When he was twenty three, the Czar of Russia, Alexander I, appointed him to be the Chief Magistrate of Jacodstad. This was after Russia invaded Finland. Jacobstad used to be the second biggest city in Finland. His appointment was so as to keep the Russian’s and Finish in line. His post was the equivalent of the country’s chief of police. He later got married to a Pasalm University of Sweden graduate. They had four sons all of whom remained in Finland until their father, the Chief Magistrate, died. Poverty forced the four brothers and their mother to immigrate to the United States on September 30th, 1908. The mother and four sons settled in a small town in Wisconsin named Medford. Their house still stands up to date. One of my great uncles jokes that it has not changed any bit, only the paint has. The four brothers remained in Wisconsin state. According to my great aunt, the family experienced a few real hardships in Medford even though they were forced abandon the royal lifestyle for an average lifestyle. To support themselves, the family established a shoe making business. My great-grandfather was a craftsman in this job who retired late during his life. I met him when I was a child and although I barely remember him, he is very significant in my family history, and the same thing applies to the city of Medford, Wisconsin. Medford is not only important to me by being a home to my forefathers, but also the city’s progressive community is something which everyone wants to associate with. During my one week stay, I took my time to tour around the city and learn a few things. The city is an industrial hub within the surrounding communities. Medford provides over six thousand, seven hundred jobs in a community with a population of four thousand, four hundred people. This translates to abundance of jobs for the city residents, a phenomenon which is not common. This family reunion was characterized by late breakfasts early evening dinners or afternoon luncheons. Later in the evening people would listen to music, poetry reading, songs, recitals of history and reminiscing, honorary recognitions, educational achievements and community contributions. The older family members seemed to only highlight the family’

Tuesday, August 27, 2019

Catholic Identity Response Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Catholic Identity Response - Assignment Example For example, the school’s mission is a reflection of the Catholic identity acting as a key reminder of the school’s Catholic identity to everyone interacting with it. Additionally, St. Joachim’s curriculum has is within the confines of ‘Blest Are We Series that corresponds to teachings of Catholic faith’. As such, Catholic resources such as teacher magazines and websites promoting Catholic faith such as Holy Heroes are allowed in the school. This is further facilitated by the annual assessments on religion in grades five and eight, enabling general sampling of the school’s levels of faith ranking it above national norms over the years. The annual assessments also act as resources to identify areas that need to be improved on by gauging performance of different areas. Moreover, religion projects and activities such as visiting places of worship and earning a minimum of sixty hours of community service as a graduation requirement advanced by the school has heavily promoted development of religion. To shape religious life outside the school, parents and guardians are invited to prayer gatherings and weekly masses. Additionally, the Catholic environment is improved by the sacramental displays such as the mosaic of Mary throughout the institution. Furthermore, the faculty annually participates in catechetical formation where teachers attend Diocesan congress and retreats thereby improving their spirituality. These entire efforts merge together to create, develop, ad maintain a Catholic identity and the general spirituality of St. Joachim

Monday, August 26, 2019

Discuss consumer behavior and how people respond to price changes Essay

Discuss consumer behavior and how people respond to price changes - Essay Example There are several conditions where consumers will not tend to consume more even if the price is lowered nor will they tend to consume less if the price is driven up. In general, consumer demand changes depending on the rate of change of prices. As the law of price elasticity dictates, demand is sensitive to price. This however particularly true to regular products that are regularly consumed which are categorized as elastic. There are several factors that affect price sensitivity or elasticity of a product which affects consumer behavior. First and the most obvious are the products that people can live without are highly elastic and therefore the change in price also affects the price. The most typical examples for these are luxury items such as jewelries where its steep price prohibits many people to acquire and a drop in price significantly increases the demand. The same is true with branded bags or clothing where a sale will almost immediately increase consumption. Another factor that affects elasticity is the availability of alternative products which affects consumption. Availability of products does not only mean substitute products but also competitors who could offer the same product at a lower price. The classic example of this is our favorite McDonald where it has to be priced low otherwise its customers will either move to its competitors such as Burger King or look for alternative for hamburgers such as taking pizza instead of a burger. There is an instance however that demand will become inelastic or consumer behavior will not change regardless of price. This is true with inelastic products such as medicine that no matter how much the price is, the rate of purchase or consumer behavior will remain the same. It is because people need to buy medicine when they are sick. They also cannot defer purchase regardless of price and will immediately purchase once the money is available to them because they do not want to

Sunday, August 25, 2019

History of Design Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

History of Design - Essay Example Countries like Russia, USA and France, attended the exhibit. The palace was regarded as the first theme park offering education and entertainment. Ruskin questioned the paying of an artist on the basis of hours worked. Artistic work takes basis on very many perspectives. He stated that an artist should be paid in relation to their economically immeasurable quality of work. Artists have no power to determine their financial value but rather this depends primarily on the buyer. He postulated close monitoring of the worker through close supervision for better results. Charlie was born in Glasgow Scotland in the year 1868. He later joined Glasgow school of art in the year 1884. Having completed his studies in the year 1889, he became an architectural assistant. In the year 1890, Charlie won a scholarship in Italy which acted as a gateway to his success in the field of art. Charlie is highly regarded as a leading factor for the development of various designs. An excellent example is the textile designs and interior designs. He also brought the idea of modernism. Charlie was greatly influenced by the Japanese style due to its simplicity, style and use of natural materials. Some of these designs are’ Argyle Chair, High black chair, Hill House chair and Ingram chair. In conclusion, Charlie undertook great projects in Europe like; Hill house, Windy Hill, Former Daily Record Offices Glasgow, and Lighthouse Glasgow. Queens Cross church project was rated as one his

Saturday, August 24, 2019

William the conqueror Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

William the conqueror - Essay Example This paper studies the reforms initiated by William the Conqueror and its impact on England. William was the son of the Duke of Normandy and appointed to take his father’s place during the latter’s journey to the holy land. His young life was marked by chastity and piety as his character became strong due to the circumstances of that time era. As Normandy descended into anarchy, he became an invincible and feared military defeat for his victories in the battlefield. During the 1040s, as France was threatened by civil war, he won important military victories at Alen and Domfront. He became the undisputed master of the French province of Maine. His fiefdom was the most powerful one in France which even managed to defy the French king. In 1066, he claimed the throne of England which was challenged by Harold Godwinson. William appeared with a huge army of Normans where the famous Battle of Hastings was fought in which he was victorious1. The conquest of England led to the domination of the land, people and government by the Normans. Permission was also given to build castles which would help protect the Norman nobility from attacks. William established his government with the qualities of a statesman. He also needed to enforce his laws with an iron fist to prevent the English from rebelling against Norman authority. One of his greatest achievements was the comprehensive manuscript which became known as the Doomsday Book. This book carried out a census of the people living within the territories of William the conqueror. This census was also carried to initiate a new system of taxation which would help to fund the government of William the conqueror. William also introduced heavy taxes which did not prevent people from looking at him with a negative light. The English people looked towards William as their protector from feudal oppression2. One of William’s most bitter legacies was the forest laws3. William

Friday, August 23, 2019

The Site Environmental Defense Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

The Site Environmental Defense - Case Study Example Our interactive organization focuses on the protection of our ecosystems such as rivers, forests, and wildlife. We are currently encouraging partnerships and expanding incentives for environmental conservation-related activities. (Source http://www.edf.org/ecosystems) Our organization has been fighting as a voice of change towards environmental conservation and adoption of environmentally friendly practices. Currently, most of our activities are funded by well-wishers and donors. We are also recruiting members and anybody is free to join us by signing up and the end of the page. There are several ways through which members and well-wishers can make their donations and become environmental defenders. Finally, we have initiated a number of campaigns that champion the adoption of a greener economy and protect the rights of individuals to openly speak about their environmental concerns. Links to other pages on the site News of our activities Campaigns Donate Blog About Us Since the early 1980s, Environmental Defense .com has always been a leader in inspiring environmental conservation by creating an opportunity for people to connect and share their concerns regarding environmental protection. Consequently, we have grown to become one of the greatest unbiased sources of information related to environmental protection on the internet. ...Environmental defense.com was begun by a small team of environmental conservationists who were concerned by the diminishing populations of aquatic organisms as a result of excessive use of fertilizers and harmful pesticides such as DTT in several parts of the world during the 1980s. It was discovered that these mostly agricultural chemicals often found their ways into the rivers, lakes, and oceans through run-offs and consequently build up to poison several aquatic species. The group of environmental conservation scientists also noted that as the residues of these harmful pesticides and chemicals continue to build up in these organis ms, they eventually found their way up the food chain thus endangering the lives of humans as well. As a result, the environmentalists teamed up together with a few lawyers and scientists to form Environment Defense.com as an organization that inspires environmental conservation by creating an opportunity for people to connect and share their environmental concerns. Over the years, Environmental defense.com has recruited thousands of members including small volunteer groups and is currently working towards organizing funds through donations to expand the organizations' services and activities globally. Finally, our mission is to defend the environment by inspiring change in corporate organizations, in governments as well as individuals to enable them to contribute towards a greener, healthier and sustainable environment for all. Useful Information on our Activities and Advocacy Throughout the last few decades of our existence, our impacts have been felt in many areas of environmenta l concerns such as health, ecosystems, climate, and oceans.